rss_2.0TalTech Journal of European Studies FeedSciendo RSS Feed for TalTech Journal of European Studieshttps://sciendo.com/journal/BJEShttps://www.sciendo.comTalTech Journal of European Studies 's Coverhttps://sciendo-parsed-data-feed.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/60afb22bfed6e94115627a77/cover-image.jpg?X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&X-Amz-Date=20210923T235053Z&X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&X-Amz-Expires=604800&X-Amz-Credential=AKIA6AP2G7AKDOZOEZ7H%2F20210923%2Feu-central-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&X-Amz-Signature=1bf02b948c93cf326da5fa203abe57511936e296256122271aed0e97a2be86f3200300Interpretable Machine-Learning Approach in Estimating FDI Inflow: Visualization of ML Models with LIME and H2Ohttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/bjes-2021-0009<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>In advancement of interpretable machine learning (IML), this research proposes local interpretable model-agnostic explanations (LIME) as a new visualization technique in a novel informative way to analyze the foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow. This article examines the determinants of FDI inflow through IML with a supervised learning method to analyze the foreign investment determinants in Hungary by using an open-source artificial intelligence H2O platform. This author used three ML algorithms—general linear model (GML), gradient boosting machine (GBM), and random forest (RF) classifier—to analyze the FDI inflow from 2001 to 2018. The result of this study shows that in all three classifiers GBM performs better to analyze FDI inflow determinants. The variable value of production in a region is the most influenced determinant to the inflow of FDI in Hungarian regions. Explanatory visualizations are presented from the analyzed dataset, which leads to their use in decision-making.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-26T00:00:00.000+00:00An Honourable U-Turn? Finland and New Europe after the End of the First World Warhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/bjes-2021-0003<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The article deals with the situation of a small, newly- and uncertainly independent country that had a peculiar experience in the year 1918. The country had declared its independence in December 1917, had received the recognition from Soviet Russia, the Nordic countries, Germany and its allies, and France in January 1918. Almost simultaneously, it drifted to a civil war, in which both the Germans and the Russians participated. However, the Civil War was mainly a domestic concern, and the outcome was the defeat of an attempt at a socialist revolution and the victory of an extremely pro-German government that even elected a German king in Finland in October 1918. The project was never fulfilled, but the experience left an exceptional, pro-German mental heritage, to which the terms of the armistice of November 1918 was a shock. They were seen as unjust, revengeful and even petty—both by the Finnish “Whites” (non-socialists) and the “Reds” (socialists).</p> <p>The Versailles Treaty in 1919 did not directly concern Finland. However, it might have done so in the question of Finnish borders, which was still partly unresolved—both in the west (a strife with Sweden over the Åland Islands) and in the east (ethnically Finnish Eastern Karelia). Moreover, the Allies were uncertain whether Finland should be considered Scandinavian or Baltic. Britain and the United States had not yet recognized Finland’s independence, so in order to secure independence and territorial integrity, the Finns had to adjust to the Allies’ demands and actively drive a Western-oriented policy. This was done for the same reason why the German orientation had been previously adapted—the threat of Russia and revolution—but it was psychologically strenuous for some political circles because they felt that there was an element of dishonorable opportunism to it. However, they could offer no alternative in a situation in which a newborn state had to secure its independence and legitimacy in New Europe, adjusting to disappointments and demands.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-26T00:00:00.000+00:00Not All Past is Legacy: Echoes of 1917–1923 in Contemporary East Central Europehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/bjes-2021-0004<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The article discusses parallelisms between the social and political realities of East Central Europe around 1917–1923 and the current state of affairs. It starts with an analysis of the dynamic social relations in the final year of the Great War to follow with the question of their impact on politics and a short outline of the region’s history after 1918. While in terms of political and social reality there is little to invite comparison between these two periods under scrutiny, the language of politics and popular sentiments do. Most importantly, and similarly to East Central Europe in the interwar period, fear of a radical change (be it Bolshevism as in 1917–1923 or the cultural revolution) is the main tool of conservative mobilization which represents the sole actual danger to the existing social and political order.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-26T00:00:00.000+00:00A Case in Relations between Great Powers and Small States—France’s Recognition of Finnish Independence, 1917–1918https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/bjes-2021-0002<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>What are the most important variables explaining the 4 January 1918 decision by the French Government to recognise Finland’s independence? This short contribution to the Special Issue aims at giving a broad overview of developments explaining this decision. It will first of all introduce general notions concerning France’s relation with “nationalities” during the First World War. It will more specifically describe the geopolitical environment of the winter 1917–1918, when France looked for ways to react to the crumbling of its Russian ally against Germany. It will also emphasise the way domestic developments and the long-term action of Finnish national networks helped in shaping up this decision. Finally, based on this example, it will consider various ways for small states to try and influence their international environment.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-26T00:00:00.000+00:00The Emergence and Restoration of the State: Latvia in 1918 and 1990https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/bjes-2021-0005<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>On 18 November 1918, the independent Republic of Latvia was declared in an extremely complicated international and domestic environment—the First World War was still going on, empires were collapsing, and ethnically and ideologically diverse military troops were fighting within the boundaries of Latvian territory. Despite the historical context of a previously tense relationship between Latvians and other ethnic groups, representatives of all minorities fought next to Latvians against the enemies of the Latvian state. Up until 11 August 1920, when the Peace Treaty with the Soviet Russia was signed, the prospects of <italic>de jure</italic> recognition of the newly established state were blurred; yet, the defeat of the White forces in the Russian Civil War opened the long awaited “window of opportunity”, as a result of which Latvia managed to achieve its international recognition on 26 January 1921. More than seventy years later, on 4 May 1990, when the Declaration of Independence was adopted by the Supreme Council of the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR), the international and domestic situation was no less complicated. Latvia was forcefully incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1940 and became part of it, yet the economic and political deterioration of the Soviet Union, the national awakening in the Baltic States and other Soviet republics alongside the fall of the Berlin Wall gave momentum for the regime to change. On 21 August 1991, after the barricades and bloody clashes with the Soviet Special Purpose Police Units (OMON) in Riga on January and the failed coup d’état in Moscow in August, Latvia’s independence once again became a reality.</p> <p>In the events of the 1990s, the memories of 1918 and Latvia’s independence in the period between the two world wars were crucial. It is manifested by the fact that Latvian statehood in 1991 was not established anew but restored. Acknowledging the importance of history on contemporary identification and policy-making, this article aims to provide an insight into the history of 1917–1922 and its resonance in the contemporary situation. Using the methodology of literature analysis and historical process-tracing it will reveal the complicated process of the state’s formation and recognition in the period of 1917–1922, paying particular attention to the role of the minorities and diplomatic efforts. It will also uncover the resonance of the events of 1918–1922 in the 1990s, when Latvia’s independence from the Soviet Union was declared, focusing in particular on aspects defining the statehood of Latvia and its citizenship. In this part, it will be argued that the history of 1917–1922 was brought back when the statehood of Latvia was concerned, while overshadowed by fifty years of the Soviet occupation, when the citizenship issue was on the agenda. Indeed, not only ethnic Latvians but also minorities living in Latvia played a decisive role in the efforts of restoring Latvia’s independence. However, as a result of the Citizenship Law,<sup>1</sup> adopted in 1994, more than one-fourth of the population—in most cases, representatives of the Russian-speaking community—were denied citizenship. This practice contrasts the Act that had been adopted in the interwar period, when Latvian citizenship was granted to all ethnic groups who were living within the borders of the then agreed Latvian territory, notwithstanding their diverse ideological background. Given this fact, the article provides future research opportunities related to perceptions of history in contemporary policy-making.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-26T00:00:00.000+00:00The Common European Investment Policy and Its Perspectives in the Context of the Case Lawhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/bjes-2021-0010<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Current developments in the field of international investment relations are influenced by the ruling of the Court of Justice in the <italic>Achmea</italic> case, when <italic>de facto</italic> European law became superior to international law. The verdict of the Court of Justice changes the usual legal procedures and customs in the field of bilateral investment agreements. However, the impact of this court decision is an almost unexplored area due to the lack of interest of legal theorists, and it is relatively difficult to find answers to the ambiguities and problems that have arisen. The scientific study analyses the current process of introducing new rules in the field of investment policy within the European Union, which means the end of bilateral investment agreements within the European Union. It also examines the European Union’s activities in the field of foreign direct investment and the development of a stable European investment policy. Determining the goal of the scientific study is based directly on current needs and emerging practical problems in practice. Their correct understanding and application has a fundamental impact on the possibilities of rules in the field of investment policy. Due to the nature of the researched topic, we applied selected qualitative methods suitable for recognising the law. However, we also analysed scientific literature, case-law and the analogy of law, thus providing qualified answers to the application pitfalls of legal practice.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-26T00:00:00.000+00:00The Emergence of New States in Eastern Europe after World War I: The German Impacthttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/bjes-2021-0007<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>After World War I, many borders in Europe were redrawn, especially in the northeast and southeast of Germany. Almost all political forces in Germany strived to restore the prewar German borders, especially towards Poland. Even Poland’s very existence was denied by many German political forces. The Baltic States were less important for Germany in this respect. Here the relationship with the Baltic Germans and trade relations prevailed. The independence of these states was in the eyes of German elite subordinated to the relations with Russia. The article presents this pattern of German policy until the Treaty of Rapallo in 1922.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-26T00:00:00.000+00:00Cross-Border Capacity-Building for Port Ecosystems in Small and Medium-Sized Baltic Portshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/bjes-2021-0008<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>One of the key challenges related to the threat posed by the COVID-19 pandemic is preservation of employment and protecting staff who are working in port operations and struggling to keep ports operating for ship calls. These activities performed by port labour are deemed to be crucial for the EU and European ports, since 75% of the EU external trade and 30% of intra-EU transport goods are moved by waterborne transport. As a response to the global lockdown and the vulnerability of global supply chains, the majority of international organisations and maritime ports networks have shortlisted measures necessary to keep the severe effects of the lockdown to a minimum. One of the key measures identified is how to limit physical interaction. As an effect, millions of people and organisations across the globe have had to use and/or increase their deployment of digital technologies, such as digital documentation, tracing information systems and digital group-working platforms. Hence, blockchain and data-enabling systems have become to be recognised as a core element maintaining the uninterrupted flow of goods and services at ports.</p> <p>In pursuing uninterrupted trade and keeping ports open and running, this research paper addresses how the current situation afflicts the small and medium-sized ports located on the Baltic Sea which are argued to be critical actors of the port-centric logistics’ ecosystem. Given the topicality of this research and addressing the research gap, the authors suggest a conceptual capacity-building framework for port employees. This suggested framework is based on empirical insights: primary and secondary data collected from the project Connect2SmallPorts, part-financed by the Interreg South Baltic Programme 2014–2020 from the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). The conceptual framework aims towards a practical training programme dedicated to fill in the missing skills or expand the limited competence of human resources and ports’ capacity when adapting or advancing digitalisation in the ports’ ecosystems. In particular, specific areas of capacity building are addressed and individual solutions suggested to foster a digital transformation of ports. The conceptual training framework is designed as a training tool indicating opportunities to help ports upgrade their competences with the blockchain technology, and to advance their transportation, environmental and economic performance with improved digitalisation. For this purpose, the conducted research employed mixed methods and applied concepts and approaches based on the field of management. For example, the construct of absorptive capacity, organisational learning, transformation, resource-based view and the concept of dynamic capabilities are included in the ecosystem discourse and are linked with open innovation and service design. The research presented in this article provides both theoretical and practical contributions, in which the affected stakeholders can test and utilise the developed tool as well as transfer it to other regions.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-26T00:00:00.000+00:00The Emergence of New States in Eastern Europe in 1918—Lessons for All of Europehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/bjes-2021-0001<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The year of 1918 was a crucial point in the history of Europe. Its importance does not only stem from the end of World War I, but also from the establishment of new states. Eastern Europe was particularly an arena where many new states emerged after the dissolution of tsarist Russia. The abovementioned process was correlated with the outcome of World War I (the defeat of the Central Powers on the Western Front and their victory on the Eastern Front against the tsarist Russia resulting in imposing their protectorate over Eastern Europe) but simultaneously it was influenced by the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution originating from a structural crisis of Russia.</p> <p>The legacy of nation-building processes, taking place in the period of 1917–1921 in the European part of the tsarist Russia— even when some of the states did not manage to survive— occupies a key role in the historical memories of those countries. The importance of this legacy originates from the fact that these states often constituted the most progressive nation-building efforts in the world. The wider context of these developments and the important interlinkages existing between them are very often unfamiliar to many Europeans today. Despite that, the state-building attempts, undertaken in Eastern Europe between 1917 and 1921, had a huge impact on the trajectory of European history. Contextualising this particular academic enquiry with the events of 1918 and benefiting from methodological advantages of process tracing, our project represents an attempt to restore (or, if necessary, build from scratch) a communicational system for sending a historical message to a wider Europe. A century after, while celebrating the Finnish, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian and Polish truly big anniversaries in 2017–2018, Europeans have already forgotten how interconnected and interlinked the 1918-bound events had been and by how much those events had affected the entire European continent as well as the international system.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-26T00:00:00.000+00:00Normativity in the EU’s Approach towards Disinformationhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/bjes-2021-0011<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>With the rapid growth of disinformation, two major steps were taken to battle the phenomenon in the online environment—first on the global level, and second on the European Union level. The first step is the Joint Declaration on Freedom of Expression and “Fake News”, Disinformation and Propaganda, which provides a general overview of possible actions to be taken to fight disinformation, and how “things should be”. The steps are connected to following human rights standards, promoting the diversity of media, and paying special attention to intermediaries and media outlets. The second one is the Code of Practice on Disinformation, which is a self-regulatory document that can be voluntarily signed by major social media platforms and advertising bodies, and its main focus is making political advertising coherent and clear, preventing the creation of fake accounts, providing users with tools to report disinformation, and promote further research. Nevertheless, based on the reports and criticism from stakeholders, the Code of Practice has not reached a common ground regarding definitions, it has provided no mechanism to access the development, and has had several other drawbacks which need additional attention and discussion. The article is devoted to identifying gaps in the Code of Practice on Disinformation based on the reports and criticism provided by the stakeholders and elaborating on possible practices to regulate the legal issues raised by disinformation on the European Union level. We use doctrinal and comparative methods in the work.</p> <p>The doctrinal method targets the cluster that was identified in order to analyze the Code of Practice, identifies weak spots and inconsistencies, and offers solutions from different areas of law. The comparative method was selected since in several areas of law, such as human rights and consumer protection law, the previously identified approaches will be addressed to find the best outcomes. This combination of methods allows an in-depth understanding of legal documents and identifying successful solutions, which can influence further development based on efficient examples.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-26T00:00:00.000+00:00The Attitude of the United States to the Baltic Region in 1918–1922: The Example of Latviahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/bjes-2021-0006<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The article discusses the attitude of the USA towards the newborn independent Baltic States in 1918–1922 using the most devastated of them—Latvia—as an example. Relations between Latvia and the United States in 1918–1922 reflect Latvia’s intense foreign policy efforts to ensure its political and social development through relations with one of the world’s most influential and powerful economies in spite of the United States’ reserved behavior. In addition, this unique era in Latvia and the Baltic States as a whole (influenced by the Soviet Russian and German factors, war and its aftermath, and the ethnically diverse and complicated social situation) illustrates the specifics of US policy towards Eastern Europe and Russia.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-26T00:00:00.000+00:00Artificial Intelligence and the GDPR: Inevitable Nemeses?https://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/bjes-2020-0022<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The rapid development of computer technology over the past decades has brought about countless benefits across industries and social benefits as well—constant interpersonal connectivity is facilitated through numerous communication channels and social media outlets, energy-producing enterprises employ complex machinery management systems for increased efficiency, ease of access and safety, hedge funds make use of high-frequency trading algorithms to engage in trades happening at a fraction of a second, while medical professionals use predictive technologies to diagnose diseases and forecast viral outbreaks. Widespread adoption of technology necessitated the creation of regulatory frameworks that would ensure the safeguarding of rights and regulatory and judicial supervision over the exploitation of high technology. one such framework is the Gdpr, created due to the need for a comprehensive, contemporary legal regime governing the processing of personal data in a time when such data has become a commodity that is traded and sold in return for services or financial gain. However, in the authors’ view, the Gdpr suffers in terms of efficacy in the context of artificial intelligence-based technologies, and full compliance of data controllers and processors employing such technologies is unlikely to be achieved, particularly in regards to the right to information, the general principle of transparency and the right to erasure. The article provides an overview of these issues, including a discussion on the movement towards a regime of data ownership, and proposes legislative amendments as an effective method of mitigating these drawbacks.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-24T00:00:00.000+00:00Precontractual Agreements in Selected Legal Systemshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/bjes-2020-0020<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Certain legal instruments have been developed in business transactions in order to facilitate the conclusion of an agreement under negotiation. The instruments of this kind are called precontractual agreements. They play an important role in shaping the legal situation of entities involved in the negotiation process. The basis for concluding precontractual agreements is the main principle of civil law, namely, the principle of freedom of contract. The most often mentioned precontractual agreements include a letter of intent and an agreement to negotiate. A letter of intent is a statement of intent to conclude an agreement in the future, although at a later stage of the letters exchange, they may also include statements of intent to continue negotiations. Legal doctrine has not developed a consistent categorization of letters of intent. Such attempts are limited to separating a number of terms, which intrinsically describe similar legal instruments. furthermore, an agreement to negotiate is a separate type of unnamed agreement, which aims to prepare the procedure of concluding the final contract through negotiation. It is a temporary contract related to a specific agreement which it concerns. An agreement to negotiate is a due diligence agreement. The infringement of provisions of an agreement to negotiate will result in contractual liability. The aim of the article is to answer the question whether, at the current stage of shaping legal relations, it is necessary to regulate precontractual agreements at the level of Eu legislation in order to harmonize them in the European union.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-24T00:00:00.000+00:00Regulatory Framework of the Research-Based Approach to Education in the EUhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/bjes-2020-0024<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Higher education institutions around the world have embarked on complex journeys of organizational change to facilitate the transition towards a more competent and educated society, especially one able to adapt to advanced and sustainable political, economic and sociotechnical paradigms. in this context, leading universities have adopted the <italic>Research-Based</italic> (rB) approach as a fundamental component of their strategies to bring closer together their main educational activities: teaching, learning and research. However, in spite of ample efforts, serious shortcomings at the implementation level are commonly reported. Especially revealing are the students’ limited self-reliance, confidence, and academic research and writing skills documented in the literature. This article examines and updates the concept of <italic>Research-Based</italic> maps and explores the multilevel regulatory framework that has conditioned the implementation and alignment of educational initiatives, including the institutional arrangements that are common in public universities in the European union, and in Estonia, as an example. it enhances the understanding of complex institutional and regulatory interactions in general, emphasizing the importance of reflexive and well justified normative determination.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-24T00:00:00.000+00:00Excessive Pricing of Pharmaceuticals in the EU: Balancing between Exploitation and Exploitative Abusehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/bjes-2020-0023<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Normally, after the end of the exclusivity period offered by patents, medicines fall in public domain attracting competing companies to launch generic production that would bring down price levels. for different reasons, generic production of off-patented medicines does not always take place, allowing the main producer to continue dictate price levels. under some circumstances, this conduct may turn into exploitative abuse. However, excessive pricing itself is not anti-competitive unless other cost-and non-cost-related factors are present that turn excessive pricing a concern of competition law.</p> <p>The article analyses the most relevant Eu case-law on abusive pricing in the pharmaceutical sector questioning what the right benchmark price is in the light of the <italic>United Brands</italic> two-limb test. As economic calculations cannot provide universal solutions in these cases, the article suggests that the <italic>United Brands</italic> test should not be the only method to judge exploitative abuse, but rather a combination of different methods that need to be applied to achieve reliable results. As emphasised in several cases, both economic calculations and other factors should be considered to avoid the risk of false-positive results. furthermore, exploitative abuse exists only in case excessive pricing is additionally unfair. However, judging unfairness, as discussed in this article, is a complicated task where the outcomes depend on the impact of the test results on the competition process.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-24T00:00:00.000+00:00Integration Perspectives of Eurasian Land-Based Transport Corridors: Empirical Evidence from the OBOR and Rail Baltica Initiativeshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/bjes-2020-0019<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Land-based Trans-Eurasian transport corridors, their current development and perspectives have been high on the political agenda in the last two decades not only in Europe and China but also in the transit countries such as russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. A number of conceptual initiatives are already being implemented. The Belt and road or the one Belt, one road (oBor) initiative on the Chinese side and the rail Baltica project from the European perspective have gained special attention. Big-scale infrastructural projects are also being implemented by transit countries, e.g., the construction of a motorway from China to Europe—from Kazakhstan via russia to Belarus—to facilitate the land-based shortcut for cargo transport within the Eurasian transport corridor. This article investigates the general framework conditions of infrastructural investments into projects related to Eurasian logistics and discusses strategic areas of intersection between the European activities and the new Silk Way. in the framework of the oBor initiative, this article also addresses the interaction of the Chinese–Kazakh–russian–Belarusian –polish railway transport, with a special focus on Belarusian–polish cross-border issues. The authors have participated in several projects focusing on transport corridors and discuss the research question of how different Eurasian land-based transport corridors can be integrated and which strategic role can the rail Baltica project play in the context of the new Silk route. The research is based on surveys, expert interviews, secondary data research and case studies.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-24T00:00:00.000+00:00Have the Baltic Countries Run Out of Labour Reserves?https://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/bjes-2020-0021<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The aim of the article is to study both the magnitude and structure of internal labour reserves in the Baltic countries as well as to discuss potential policy measures that might help to activate these reserves. despite the record-high employment rates recently posted by Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, considerable internal labour reserves can still be found in some population groups. Among upper-middle-aged men, low employment might reflect a low incidence of lifelong learning, inadequate digital skills and rapidly deteriorating health condition. Low employment of youth mirrors the low prevalence of apprenticeships. in Lithuania and Latvia, there is also a postponed entry of young women into the labour market. These internal labour reserves total more than 25,000 people in Estonia, 55,000 in Latvia and 85,000 in Lithuania, corresponding to 4–7% of the total employment. The recent outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic may somewhat increase and change the structure of these labour reserves.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-24T00:00:00.000+00:00The Impact of Brexit on the EU Development Policy: Selected Political Issueshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/bjes-2020-0001<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The European Union (EU) is the most generous donor of international development cooperation—it transfers more than a half of the world’s Official Development Assistance (ODA). In fact, the EU development policy is depending on three major contributors: France, Germany and the United Kingdom (UK), which are also among the top countries making the largest transfers to development cooperation. However, special attention should be paid to the UK, belonging to the avant-garde of international development cooperation. The United Kingdom is not only a part of the EU assistance wallet but also an important partner in shaping the development policy. This article attempts to answer the main research question: what impact will Brexit have on the EU development policy? The analysis covers the political plane, and the following elements will be taken into consideration: the impact of the UK’s withdrawal from the organisation on shaping the EU development policy (its geographical and thematic concentration), and the ability to fulfil development commitments, which were undertaken by the Member States and the organisation. Consequently, Brexit may lead to reshaping the EU partnership with the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (ACP), as well as undermine the EU’s ability to meet its obligations in the development area.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-06-17T00:00:00.000+00:00The Origins of Supranational State Aid Legislations: What Policymakers Must Know and Adhere to. The Case of Estoniahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/bjes-2020-0007<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>As an independent country, Estonia can decide on how to promote its economy through state intervention, at least in theory. At the same time, Estonia has been a WTO member since 1999 and an EU Member State since 2004 and must adhere to these rules. Both regimes limit a Member State’s ability to interfere in the economy, setting forth rules on when a state can interfere with consequences if the rules are not met. But these rules differ, and the same situation can have a different result depending on the rules applied. Also, both sets of rules limit the competence of a member country to interfere in economy differently, for example, the WTO applies a rather lenient ex post control while in the EU a strict ex ante control by the Commission is used. Also the consequences for failing to adhere are different. Although one of the smallest EU Member States and represented by the Commission in WTO roundtables, it is still relevant for Estonia to have a position on globally applied state interference measures, and present and protect its views, if needed. To successfully promote its economy nationally and in the EU, Estonian policymakers, like those of any other country in the same position, must know not only the applicable state interference rules but also the underlying principles thereof. The article will provide a historical overview of the framework of the supranational state aid regimes of the WTO and the EU, as well as the domestic rules of Estonia. It is aimed at reflecting the principles behind the state aid rules that the domestic policymakers must consider when designing national state interference measures. The author applies classical research methods, namely, reading and interpretation of texts, but also comparing the WTO, EU and Estonian laws on state subsidies.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-06-17T00:00:00.000+00:00Brokers in Biotechnology and Software Networks in EU Research Projectshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/bjes-2020-0010<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Researchers have acknowledged that the flow of knowledge is influenced by the non-structural and structural features of networks. This paper aims to further develop an understanding of the institutional and structural features of knowledge networks by relating the brokerage roles of actors to the types and locations of organisations in biotechnology and software networks. The study is set within the context of the European Union (EU) research and innovation policy. It is designed as a social network analysis of EU research projects in biotechnology and software that took place between 1995 and 2016, wherein organisations from the Baltic States participated. The results of the study revealed that higher education and research organisations and public bodies acted as the main knowledge brokers and brokered more frequently across different regions in biotechnology networks. In software, it was the universities and research organisations that fulfilled this role. Thus, this study contributes to an understanding about the institutional and structural aspects of knowledge networks by focusing on brokers and their brokerage roles and relating these factors to specific organisation types and the locations of actors within the two sectors. It also adds the empirical context of the Baltic States in the areas of biotechnology and software collaborative research projects to the studies of knowledge networks, and offers practical suggestions for implementing collaborative research projects.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-06-17T00:00:00.000+00:00en-us-1